Suchergebnisse

The Unmik, United Nations Mission in Kosovo, was launched in the aftermath of mass violations of War Law and of International Humanitarian Law, perpetrated by the Republika Srpska against the Albanian civilian of Kosovo. The Unmik was mandated to prevent the interethnic violence and to neutralise the roots of conflict, and to let emerge a new society where intercommunity antagonisms do not exist anymore. The mass education appears to be a tool that leads to a sustainable development of society. Therefore, the International Community links education and conflict prevention due to the role of education in social integration and development, and through specific contents. The supranational principles of education to conflict prevention are framed by an international framework, mostly developed in the nineties. Finally, education was at stake and was instrumentalised by the nationalist propagandas during the conflict between Serbs and Albanian in Kosovo. The main object of this research is to explore the way these principles of education to conflict prevention are operationalized in the primary public education system in Kosovo, through the study case of the main city Prishtina. The premise is that the operationalization can carry some boundaries to the complete expression of these supranational principles. The first step was dedicated to the research of the supranational principles in a normative and legislative corpus of local texts. The second step was a study of the expression of the principles of prevention in the primary public schools of Prishtina and with some members of the education system of Kosovo. This work highlights the sustainability of the operationalized principles on the formal and structural stages, due to the integration in the local normative and legislative frame. However, the operationalization can lead to an incomplete or a limited expression of the principles of an education involved in the conflict prevention. The top down approach of the Unmik and its lack of practical application of the principles are important elements in the limited expression of these principles. The boundaries are linked to the failure in questioning the education model applied in Kosovo as well, and to the assumptions it carries. Finally, the inadequate support to the educational staff and the inadequacy of this education model to the specificities of Kosovo are equally major factors of the limited operationalization of the supranational principles of conflict prevention in the primary schools of Prishtina. ; La Minuk, Mission intérimaire des Nations Unies au Kosovo, a été déployée suite à la violation massive et systématique des normes internationales, commise par la Republika Srpska de Milosevic envers les populations Albanaises. Le rôle de la Minuk est de déconstruire la violence inter-ethnique et de neutraliser les racines du conflit, pour permettre l'émergence d'une nouvelle société dans laquelle les conflits armés n'auront plus de raison d'émerger. De par son potentiel de diffusion à large échelle et son impact sur les générations futures, l'éducation est un canal privilégié de pérennisation de cette nouvelle donne sociale, économique et gouvernementale. La Communauté internationale lie également directement l'éducation à la prévention des conflits armés, de par son côté intégratif et son rôle dans le développement, ainsi qu'à travers certains contenus spécifiques à la construction de la paix et à la neutralisation de la violence. Les principes supranationaux qui encadrent l'éducation à la prévention des conflits armés, sont contenus dans un cadre normatif international, dont le développement s'accélère dès les années 1990. Par ailleurs, l'éducation a représenté un enjeu dans le conflit albano-serbe et a été instrumentalisée à des fins nationalistes. L'objectif de cette recherche est d'explorer la façon dont ces principes supranationaux de prévention des conflits armés sont mis en oeuvre dans le système éducatif primaire public du Kosovo, à travers l'étude de cas de la ville de Prishtina. Le postulat de base est que la mise en oeuvre peut entraîner des obstacles à la bonne expression des principes supranationaux. Après l'étude de l'insertion des principes du corpus normatif international dans un corpus normatif et législatif local, la mise en oeuvre et l'expression de ces principes supranationaux ont été appréhendées dans les écoles primaires publiques de la ville de Prishtina, ainsi qu'auprès des acteurs du système éducatif. Ce travail a permis de mettre en évidence la pérennité de la mise en oeuvre des principes supranationaux sur les plans structurels et formels, à travers le cadre normatif et législatif. Cependant, il apparaît que la mise en oeuvre entraîne l'expression partielle et/ou limitée de ces principes dans les écoles primaires de Prishtina. L'action top-down de la Minuk et son manque à appliquer les principes qu'elle cherche à faire exister sont des facteurs qui influencent négativement leur expression dans le système éducatif primaire de Prishtina. Les difficultés apparaissent également comme liées à la non interrogation du modèle éducatif appliqué au Kosovo et aux présupposés et implicites qu'il contient, ainsi qu'au manque d'accompagnement du corps enseignant et à la non adéquation du modèle aux spécificités et capacités du Kosovo.

In the aftermaths of the Cold War, the International Community adopts the objective of Education for All. Indeed, Education appears as a tool of social and economical development worldwide and supports global development. Education allows individuals to take part effectively and actively in the collective life of the society they belong to. Soon after the adoption of this objective, the war is identified as the major obstacle in the fulfillment of this objective of Education for All. The international stakeholders takes their stand in favor of the continuation of the schooling during protracted crisis and wars, what lead to the education in emergency. This education has to spread values, behaviors and attitudes that attack the roots of the conflict. An objective of peace building and conflict prevention is since added to education. In a same temporality, the Kosovo Albanians were submitted to a segregationist policy headed by the Government of Milosevic, the Republika Srpska. This Government aims to make the Kosovo an unmixed territory, inhabited only by Serbs. Kosovo Albanians are rejected from all the state positions and state-owned entreprises. Education appears as a convergent point of the communities antagonisms and a critical issue between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. The freedom of being educated in their mother tongue is denied to the Kosovo Albanians through the policy of the Republika Srpska. The Kosovo Albanians react in setting up a parallel education system, in which virtually all the Albanian children intend school from 1992 to 1998. This parallel education system can be seen as a strong element of the pacific resistance of the Kosovo Albanians and a factor of social strength. This parallel educational system collapsed in 1998 due to the war situation in Kosovo. During this internal armed conflict, violations of the Law of war and of the International humanitarian Law are so huge that Nato intervenes through a military air campaign. This military intervention is immediately followed by a civil administration mission, the Unmik, whose mandate is to normalize the life of the inhabitants of Kosovo. Unmik is a restorative model not dedicated to the war victims. The restorative aspects for victims can be seen in the reinstallation of the Kosovo Albanians as full-right citizens. When arriving in Kosovo, Unmik faces two systems of education. Unmik's first objective is to rebuild a unified education system in Kosovo. Along with objectives of democratization and modernization of a system inherited from a communist model. This intervention is an opportunity to promote and support peace education and conflict prevention through education, in echo with the latest international provisions on education. To achieve this objective of peace building and conflict prevention through education, the pedagogical methods, the contents of teaching and the structure of the education system has to be reformed and restructured. My work aims to explore the reconstruction process of the education system in Kosovo and the operationalization of the provisions that turn education as a tool of peace and conflict prevention, in the primaries schools of Prishtina. My approach is qualitative, inspired by the systemic perspective. The aim of this research is not to evaluate the results of the new Kosovo education system. This work is designed to explore the process of this post-war reconstruction, and to understand how international provisions come within this process and are effectively implemented in the primaries schools. The research question is on the present survival and effectiveness of these provisions in the primaries schools of Prishtina. This work was done first by a confrontation between a corpus of international normative texts on education and a legislative and normative corpus of local texts on education. This first step was dedicated to the selection of the special provisions relative to education as a tool of peace building. It appears that Civic Education and History are the two main teachings in the broadcasting of elements that helps to create a social cohesion. The tools for the data collection were based on the elements selected through this bibliographical research, as the analysis table of the empirical datas. Standardized questionnaires has been completed by teachers in History and Civic Education, and by Directors of the primaries school of Prishtina. Interviews with Kosovo people who were involved in the rebuilding process of the education system were carried out. The results highlights that International Community massively imposed this new model of education, what is visible through the identical profiles of all the schools that participated to the research. It appears that such an intervention is limited by the specificities and the reality of the Kosovo, which were not taken into consideration enough to make this new education system fit well to the very specific aspects of Kosovo. The question of the adaptability of such a model, created out of the Kosovo and without sufficient rely on the local population, is raised through this study. Indeed, the actual education system in Prishtina faces huge challenges in terms of equipment, funding and space. These challenges were not met by the Unmik's work and are still existing, when the legislative and normative frame is continually developed in respect of the international developments in the matter. Indeed, fundamental education has to be a way to get competencies leading to a democratic citizenship, instead of a way to acquire only school basic knowledge. The potential in peace building and conflict prevention of the present education system in Kosovo is not able to be fully developed. If all the international provisions are well translated into the local provisions and operationalized in the primaries schools, the system has reached its limits and is not able to overcome its numerous challenges. Moreover, there is still two independent systems of education in Kosovo, and the education dedicated to the peace building and conflict prevention reaches only children intended schools of the official system. Serbs children are still educated in the same perspective than during the war. In a long terme perspective, the Kosovo education system will not be able to produce the expected outcomes. This contains risks of resurgence of the conflict. ; Peer reviewed

The serious offenses against civilian populations perpetrated by governmental and non-governmental armed forces are illegal view to the internationally established norms. These acts need primary support of the perpetrators and groups involved. As regards armed forces, processes of obedience to authority can explain breaking of War Law. Concerning mass violations due to civilians, an adhesion process to ideology of destruction is needed. Contributions of Freud in the field of leadership, the inversion of moral values and social desirability to this new order, as well as emotional manipulation of people, are elements of explanation of collective and massive acting out. To prevent these mass crimes, a study of the component parts which support them could allow us to understand the mechanisms in play.

Classical criminology was mostly developed in the field of local penal law. Thus, protective and repressive measures taking part in these judicial systems are often limited to local aims. In this criminology, the State is protective, the care for victims is institutionalized. Moreover, the relation between criminology and penal qualification of the act against the victim as a crime is essential to access the status of victim. This entails an epistemological presupposition in victimology, science considered as a specialized field of criminology. Indeed, this presupposition makes the victim of serious violations of penal Law the prototype of victims of serious offenses. Furthermore, crime is not only a matter of individuals but also of structural possibilities, as is the case in criminal organizations. In the subject matter of organized criminality, the sides taking in concern in classical criminology are mostly related to economical delinquency. State or governmental army criminality is rarely explored by researchers. Previously, these topics seemed to be unreachable, but the nature of the recent armed conflicts, and the present evolution of International penal Law, entailed to the visibility of massive atrocities during wars. Today, criminology must face new fields of involvement, larger than these investigated in classical criminology. Presently, an international criminology is emerging, which is different and liberated from classical criminology. In this international criminology, a special kind of criminality is studied, due to its massiveness, its extent and is systematic nature. In addition, a strong war victimology is emerging as well, victimology tends thus to be an autonomous discipline. The challenge is now to turn crisis criminology and victimology into a strong scientific discipline.

La guerre du Kosovo voit s'affronter les communautés Serbes et Albanaises. Ce conflit armé fait suite à une décennie de politique ségrégationniste envers les Albanais du Kosovo menée par Milosevic alors Président de la Serbie dont faisait partie le Kosovo. Cette politique a entraîné le développement de structures parallèles albanaises au sein même du Kosovo. Après l'intervention de l'Otan en 1999, la situation s'inverse et ce sont désormais les Serbes du Kosovo qui vivent parallèlement aux structures kosovares nouvellement établies à travers l'administration internationale onusienne. ; Peer reviewed

De nombreux textes conventionnels et internationaux prévoient des dispositions de protection des populations non combattantes en temps de conflit armé. Parmi ces populations civiles, certains groupes sont considérés comme plus vulnérables, dont les femmes et les enfants, pour lesquels des protections spéciales sont prévues. Malgré ces dispositions particulières, ces populations continuent de subir des exactions en temps de guerre, par exemple le viol systématique et massif, ou l'utilisation d'enfants dans les combats.

Tout d'abord envisagées et créées pour régler les différents entre Etats, les institutions du Droit pénal international s'intéressent désormais aux victimes de violations du Droit international humanitaire. Près d'un demi-siècle après les Tribunaux militaires internationaux chargés de régler les contentieux liés à la Seconde guerre mondiale, le Droit pénal international s'est doté d'outils dont l'évolution permet désormais aux victimes de crimes de droit international humanitaire d'être visible et représentées sur la scène pénale internationale. ; Peer reviewed